Sign in to follow this  
Followers 0
Маро

Скажите где,мы армяне, собираемся в Москве?

350 posts in this topic

у нас в Армении вообще одни тухлые машины остались со времен СССР... очень уродует страну..

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Да ну Виген ты что азербайджанских форумов начитался?

Какие тухлые машины? Они есть везде и Армения не исключение.

В основном нормальные тачки ездят, только много НИВ белых.

По моему самые популярные машины, это НИВА, БМВ (трёшка), и 124 мерседесы.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
а в кукушкино говорят в этом году небывалый урожай ананасов.

Это ты типа так смешно пошутил? :hm:

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
В Армении 2106 белый с чёрными стёклами такие ездят что даже не понимаешь что это жигуль, настолько обделанные !

Э Sashik, дай армянину самую задрыпаную машину, так он из нее конфетку сделает. Мой двоюродный брат, когда служил в Армии РФ из БТР такую конфетку сделал :D

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Это ты типа так смешно пошутил? :hm:

Нет если я бы пошутил, то в конце поставил бы вот такой смайлик :lol: или хотя бы такой :D или может быть такой :wow: .

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
Это ты типа так смешно пошутил

Zabej on vse nikak posle Nuernbersgkogo processa oklimat'sya ne mozhet. Ix ved' tam stol'ko peresazhali... :(

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

а в кукушкино говорят в этом году небывалый урожай ананасов.

А зачем вам Кукушкино? Именно Вас нехватает в Волгограде! Поезжайте, там Вам окажут горячий прием :brows:

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Никто не обращал внимание на новый дизайн листовок уродов в московском метро? "РНЕ - пора". Интересно, что "пора"? Кажется, лето будет жарким :)

И надеюсь, мы тоже поджарим им задницу ;)

Edited by Karmir

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
Никто не обращал внимание на новый дизайн листовок уродов в московском метро? "РНЕ - пора".

Ты ненаходишь , что у тебя с ними много общего? :)

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Ты ненаходишь , что у тебя с ними много общего? :)

:wow: :lol:

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
Ты ненаходишь , что у тебя с ними много общего? :)
Честно говоря не нахожу ;)

Хотя с другой стороны, конечно, у большинства двугоних прямоходящих высших приматов между собой много общего :)

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

В Самцхе-Джавахетском регионе Грузии, большую часть населения которого составляют армяне, местные жители устроили погром в здании грузинской школы г. Ахалкалаки.

Толпа местных жителей нанесла школе серьезный материальный ущерб, сломав мебель, окна.

Помимо этого, были избиты трое студентов грузинской национальности, приехавших в Ахалкалаки. Молодые люди работали в одной из заброшенных церквей в селе Самса.

Один из студентов с сотрясением мозга доставлен в Республиканскую больницу Тбилиси, - рассказывает Ytro.

Regnum утверждает, что конфликт возник из-за того, что эти студенты непочтительно обошлись с армянскими хачкарами, а также из-за их желания устроить здесь грузинский монастырь. В дело вмешалась полиция. Возбуждены уголовные дела.

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

"Паломники" хотели обосновать в Джавахети грузинский монастырь - подробности инцидента

Как уже сообщало ИА REGNUM, жители села Самсар Ахалкалакского района армянонаселенного региона Грузии - Самцхе-Джавахети подняли волну протеста, причиной чему послужило прибытие 15 июля в село группы грузинских студентов, церковных служителей и монахинь в составе 30 человек, которые обосновались на территории армянской церкви Св. Геворк.

Как сообщает агентство "Джавахк-инфо", на третий день пребывания местное население заметило, что так называемые паломники, разбили несколько хачкаров (камни-кресты) и пытаются проникнуть внутрь церкви - к алтарю. Местное население, оградив вход камнями, запретило им входить в церковь. Между тем, один из грузинских священников угрожая ножом собравшимся сельчанам, попытался продолжить свою работу.

На место происшествия прибыли представители местного отделения полиции. По словам прибывших "гостей", они приехали на три месяца, чтобы отдохнуть. По имеющимся же у агентства предварительным данным, они хотели обосновать здесь грузинский монастырь. "Если они хотят обосновать здесь монастырь, то чем им мешают наши хачкары, зачем их ломать, и какое дело они имеют с нашей церковью", - говорят жители села Самсар. В свою очередь, духовный пастырь церкви Св. Крест тер Самуэл Торосян заявил, что такое поведение грузин свидетельствует о продолжении политики, направленной против армянских церквей.

Агентство отмечает, что местному населению удалось выгнать незванных гостей с места их обоснования и в настоящее время они находятся в грузинском монастыре города Ахалкалаки.

Отметим, что 17 июля в Ахалкалакском районе Южной Грузии - месте компактного проживания армянского населения произошли сразу два инцидента. Группа молодых армян устроила погром в грузинской школе Ахалкалаки. Были разбиты оконные стекла, поломаны парты и другой инвентарь. Другое ЧП произошло в селе Самса - здесь местные жители вступили в перепалку с группой студентов из Тбилиси, которые приехали для того, чтобы почистить расположенный в селе монастырь 12 века. Спор возник вокруг вопроса о том, грузинские или армянские фрески находятся в монастыре. Выяснение переросло в драку, один из студентов получил сотрясение мозга, его перевезли в столичную больницу. Драк а прекратилась после вмешательства полиции. По факту погрома школа в Ахалкалаки и инцидента в Самса возбуждены уголовные дела.

Постоянный адрес новости: www.regnum.ru/news/485545.html

13:57 18.07.2005

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

ПРавильно если наши за себя непостаят то их так же виживут как армян из Нахичевана .

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
ПРавильно если наши за себя непостаят то их так же виживут как армян из Нахичевана .

Сами не знают с каким огнем играют… И почему этим “пилигримам” нужно было соваться в Джавахке монастырь грузинский открывать? В Тбилиси не нашлось здравого человека, который понял бы, чем это чревато?

С армянскими церквами в Тифлисе покончили, теперь туда эмисаров отправляют? Или перед Турцией преданно хвостом виляют “пилигримы”?

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Зачем открывать две одинаковые темы? :/

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Уголок Армении в Израиле

http://jnews.co.il/art/15115

22 июля 2005.

В Армянском монастыре на набережной старого Яффо с 1 августа по 4 сентября пройдет выставка армянских художников. На выставке будут представлены работы отца Энзы Бабаханяна, Петроса Малаяна (1927-1997), Рубен Малаяна, Камо Лалаяна, Карине Хачатурян, Карена Карагиозяна, Инессы Глушко и Михаэля.

565.jpg

На выставке можно не только полюбоваться картинами, но и встретиться с художниками. Встречи пройдут 5 августа с 16:00 до 20:00, 11 и 23 августа с 18:00. В программе концерт пианистки из Армении, Елены Саргисян.

Все участники выставки сегодня живут в Израиле, но продолжают любить и воспевать родную Армению.

«Горные хребты со сверкающими снежными вершинами, скалы, ущелья с бурными реками, пригорки со стадами овец; уходящие вдаль нагроможденные друг на друга голубые горы; стада буйволов, лениво пасущихся на низинах или купающихся в мутных арыках; караваны верблюдов, движущихся по желто-розовым пыльным равнинам у Каспия, и, наконец, воды Каспия и многое другое произвело на меня неизгладимое впечатление, поставило передо мной задачу найти какие-то новые средства передачи своих чувств и переживаний.

На этой большой и тернистой дороге самой главной вехой и точкой опоры стала родная Армения с ее неповторимыми пейзажами и всем колоритом быта ее народа. Я избрал эту дорогу. Никакой другой путь не привлекал меня больше, чем этот».

Мартирос Сарьян, классик армянской живописи.

К мнению классика полностью присоединяются все участники выставки, такие разные, и такие близкие в своем творчестве.

Часы работы выставки с 10.00 до 18.00.

Телефон для справок 052-2979445, e-mail: [email protected]

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Karmir

А можно узнать, в форуме есть земляки живущие в Израиле?

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites
Karmir

А можно узнать, в форуме есть земляки живущие в Израиле?

Форумджане karik, Aqop и Avshar живут в Израиле. Но думаю их тут всё таки побольше наберётся. :hi:

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Canadian Journal for Traditional Music (1990)

In Search of Nine Keghi Songs

Hasmig Injejkian

http://cjtm.icaap.org/content/18/v18art7.html

The 1982-83 issue of Polyphony published by the Multicultural History Society of Ontario (MHS) was dedicated to the early Armenian settlers in Ontario. My own contribution, "The Musical Repertory of Early Armenian Settlers," 1 was one of a number of articles that discussed the unwritten history of Armenians in Canada.

As part of my research I conducted a field trip to interview and tape six members of the community. The tape material with 87 songs, along with the Robert Melkom collection from MHS archives, a 1937 Yearbook, published in Detroit by the Keghi Patriotic Society, and some 78 rpm phonograph records by community members were primary source material. The article gave an overview of the musical tradition of Armenian settlers in Canada with a in-depth analysis of nine Keghi folk songs and dance tunes.

Because of lack of time and financing, my research was not conclusive. The informants were limited to six, and Canadian-born Keghetzis were not included. Among various research topic possibilities the article suggested, the most vital was the question of culture retention or acculturation.

Expeditions should be undertaken to understand how the immigrating generation retained their culture and the causes of acculturation in the next generation. Children of the original informants, other Keghetzis, and their children should be interviewed.

No study except my own has been undertaken concerning the musical heritage of the emigrating generation. Such a project is of utmost importance, since this repertory is the only musical legacy that the early settlers carried with them, and the older Keghi musical culture has been extirpated.

During a field trip (October 25-27, 1987) to St. Catharines and Cambridge, Ontario, I interviewed fourteen Keghetzis; six were born in the "old country" between 1903-12, five in St. Catharines and Brantford, between 1912 and 1918, and the remaining three in St. Catharines and Cambridge in the 1930s and 1940s. Having a fair representation of both immigrant and Canadian Keghetzis born before and after World War I helps to answer some of the questions raised in my project.

Although the primary aim was to collect variants of the nine Keghi songs listed in my article, I took the opportunity to learn more about the cultural and social life of Keghetzis both in the old country and Canada and used a questionnaire to maintain the necessary uniformity during the interviews. The six immigrant informants were asked about life in the old country, customs, beliefs, family life, social structure, festivities, the Turkish deportations, the massacres, and circumstances concerning their move to Canada. Their most vivid accounts centered on the deportations, the genocide, and orphanage experiences. Only one informant gave a full description of her house and traditional family life; others were able to recall some activities related to various festivities.

As for their early years in Canada, questions focused on social and economic adjustments, schooling and work experiences, community life, and the upbringing of children. They all underlined similar economic and social hardships, but pointed out that they had found solace in each other's company, gathering around a church, a patriotic society, a political party, or a school, and serving as teachers, church deacons, charity organizers, or volunteer workers.

Despite their involvement in Armenian community life, their children gradually succumbed to the Canadian mainstream.

Both the first and second group of Canadian-born informants were asked about the heritage transmitted by their parents, their childhood experiences, their attendance at Armenian evening schools, social and family life, and the upbringing of their children. It seems that the first generation absorbed their parents' heritage the most, although some confessed that if they had known of its value, they would have been more attentive; answers from the second generation Canadian-born informants varied from total ignorance to resentment. Information gathered was verified against published memoirs of the old country?

Despite inquiries I could not obtain samples of early records. There were, however, some cassette recordings of contemporary bands whose repertory and style was an amalgam of Middle Eastern song and dance medleys, performed on synthesized instruments.

Most informants were familiar with four of the nine melodies listed in my article. One sang a slightly different version of one song-dance which will be presented in this paper for comparison. I also taped two songs for the first time, which will be additions to Keghi song repertory. Two other songs, taped during my previous expedition, are included in this paper to give a more cohesive picture of the musical culture.

I discuss the various traditions still remembered by my informants to determine whether the nine Keghi songs are still part of their cultural heritage, how these songs were transmitted to them, and how did social, economic, and political events affect the retention or loss of their culture.

Historical Background

Keghi (Khorzen, Geghi),3 the westernmost district of Historic Armenia (today it is in Turkey),4 is a mountainous region 3,200 feet above sea level. Over 300 villages are spread over 3,000 square miles surrounded by mountains and fertile valleys, rivers and lakes, mineral springs, and various natural resources. 5A 1908 report estimated the population at 60,000, of whom 50 per cent were Armenians; the Kurdish nomadic tribes formed the second major group; only five to ten thousand were Turkish.'

Although Keghi was "at times a centre of learning and sciences," 7only near the end of the nineteenth century did the area get modern schools.8 The fast-spreading chain of educational institutions was the result of a national awakening, initiated by Armenian intellectuals and enhanced by the work of American missionaries. 9 Already in the 1850s missionary work was felt throughout the teachings of one Melkon Djantemirian. 10 Protestantism made its way in almost every village, and relatively well-off Protestant communities were formed. The youth were encouraged to migrate to America to further their education or to find better employment.In return these young people, through their educational societies, financed new schools in the old country. Soon every village had a school.11

In 1915 the deportations and genocide executed by the Turkish Government brought this social, economic, and educational rebirth to an abrupt stop. The youth who had emigrated with plans to return home had no news from family and relatives and were stranded for years. The brutal reality, gradually revealed after 1918, of having lost all family and homeland, forced these Armenians to settle in Canada and the United States. With the creation of an independent Armenia (1918-1920), some cherished the idea of returning "Home" but "the Lauzanne Treaty (1923) ended all hopes of repatriation."12 Hence, these communities began to reorganize their churches, founded patriotic and charitable associations, conducted evening or Saturday Armenian language schools, and reformed their political parties, which "took on the added functions of representing all the other aspects of community life"13

In the southern Ontario towns of St. Catharines, Brantford, and Hamilton, most Armenian settlers were Keghetzis, with a few from the Moush and Van districts. '4As a result these towns resembled a transplanted Keghi with all its villages. 15<

The Keghi Patriotic Society formed in 1917 in Detroit with 225 members had 40 from St. Catherines. Regardless of political adherence, all Keghetzis gathered around their society, whose prime aim was to help the destitute survivors and orphans. After an inactive period, the Society reorganized in 1934 with the aim of creating a New Keghi in Soviet Armenia.16 Its twenty-eight branches carried on charitable, social, and educational tasks in both North America and the Middle East. Seven of these branches were in southern Ontario.17

Until 1934 Armenian communities of Apostolic denomination gathered around the Mother Church. The events that unfolded in the early 30s culminating in the assassination of Archbishop L. Tourian, the Prelate of the Armenian Diocese of the Eastern United States, in 1933, led to a severe split in Armenian communities throughout the States and Canada. 18 The bitterness, mostly due to misunderstandings, persists among the members of this first generation. The split not only demoralized them but estranged them from one another. Consequently, their children, affected by these affairs, and not having the background of their fathers, chose to dissociate themselves from Armenian life.

Assimilation, whether partial or total, is inevitable for a small group living within a larger society. Some of the social and political factors, the work of the American missionaries and the Armenian intellectuals, the deportation, massacre, and upheavals of the earlyyears of settlement, left their mark on Armenian communities in North America. These factors could not have caused total assimilation if family and community life and schooling had given their people a secure grip on their culture.

Culture does not include only language, but also customs, traditions, festive days, songs and dances, and cuisine. Of these, cuisine is the only item with which second-generation Armenians identify.

Only a few of the old traditions are celebrated today. In the old country children went carolling on the fifth of January, Old Christmas Eve, and collected galantos (cookies and shortbread) at New Year's. Although New Year's celebrations still continue, carolling and collecting galantos do not. One Canadian-born informant recalled:

At New Year's everybody went to church, from the aged to the newborn. First we had church service, then just before the clock would strike twelve, we would all line up, accompanied by the pied piper's playing, go out the back door to the front of the church, and reenter the church. Then we would pray and light a candle, and of course later go downstairs to continue the party. 19

The carolling chants, being part of church literature, are well remembered. One of my informants sang an interesting version of a well-known Christmas chant "Aysor don e Sourp Dzenentean" (Today is the Feast of the Nativity, Ex. 1):

The limited vocal range and rather short syllabic phrases are a direct contrast with three published versions of this chant.20 The simplicity of this melody in the Dorian-Aeolian mode brings it closer to folk repertory style, whereas published versions in mixed modes, complex, lengthy,and melismatic phrase constructions, and wide ranges necessitate a trained singer.21

My informants remember Derentes mainly as a festivity of fire, a pagan tradition which survived over the centuries under a Christian guise Dearn ent'arach (the Presentation of Christ in the Temple)22

WhileDerentes was the feast of daring and bravery,Paregentan (Catechumen) was the great day of feasting and merry making that preceded Lent. After Paregentan celebrations, one informant recalled that all pots and pans were cleaned and onlyvegetarian food was consumed during Lent. Another informant remembered his grandmother speaking of demons, who would come at Paregenta and stay during Lent. The 1965 Nor KeghiAlbum gave a detailed account of Paregentan and the forty days of Lent:

khoulounjig with its unpleasant features and seven bird wings came in through the chimney after the final night of Paregen tan and established his rule in the house. After giving us the sweet taste Paregentan, he, like a dictator, closed the covers of dodjorag (preserved meat), fat and comast (milk product) for seven weeks. Then followed lentil and legume diet...As soon as the seventh feather was plucked, the landlady threw a clove of garlic in a panful of frying fat...thus, getting rid of the demon...24

The Armenian church calendar reserved an important place for Zadig (Easter) and Resurrection. Centuries of sufferings under foreign oppressors led the people to find comfort in their religion. Easter embodied the end of suffering and redemption from earthly chains. In the new world, freedom was theirs to appreciate. Yet many Armenian leaders dreamed of a free homeland, and looked on Christ's resurrection as an example to encourage hope for repatriation.

After Christmas, Easter is the only religious festivity celebrated today by my informants. Their cherished Easter pastime is cracking boiled eggs, which are soaked in a brine of water and onion skins. "Even the grown-ups enjoyed playing. This game," they claimed and added, "the reddish color represents Christ's blood."

Forty days after Easter, Hampartzoum (Ascension Day) was celebrated with mixed religious and folk traditions. The villages pilgrimmed to a nearby monastery and sang and danced after church service. More than any other festive day Hampartzoum was a lovers' holiday. Gathering flowers, dressing up, using henna, and telling fortunes led to young girls revealing secret aspirations: "My elder sister and her friends went up the mountain. I followed them secretly," recounts my informant. "They settled near a stream, sang and danced and partied. Then they gathered a kind of reddish plant grown on rocks, wiped their hands with it. Their palms turned red, after which they sang:

'Arekag, arekag, tours yegour' (Sun, sun, come out of hiding), Kou oujov'n mer tzerkere tsamketsour' (With your power dry our hands)."

Unfortunately my informant could not remember the tune. The women carried on the folk customs of Hampartzoum for a long time. They gathered flowers to decorate the fortune jar and personal items from each participant were thrown into the jar. Then a young girl drew the items, and an elderly married woman read the owner's veejag (fortune).26

Armenian church fathers replaced another pagan festivity, Vartavar (festivity of Roses) by Christ's Transfiguration. Yet Vartavar was celebrated well into the twentieth century in some Armenian communities. In the old country a broom dressed in rags was carried through the village by women and youngsters alike, accompanied by a specific song dedicated to boub 'lad 'gin (the name given to the ragged broom)P The villagers threw water on the ragged broom or bride, as some called it, and gave the carriers lard, cracked wheat, and eggs. The boub'lad'gin carriers gathered at a sacred spring and cooked their own pilav.28

The only other religious-patriotic feast was Saint-Vartanants, a reminder of the religious wars in the fifth century between Christian Armenia and Zoroastrian Persia. Vartan Zoravar (Army commander) and his followers were canonized for protecting their religion against Zoroastrianism. The wars, religious in motive, led to the preservation of a national identity. During the national awakening of the nineteenth century the theme of Vartan rose to great importance. Songs dedicated to him also celebrated the war of Avarayr (451 A.D.). Ever since, Saint-Vartanants became a national holiday. My Canadian-born informants were taught at least two of the lay songs dedicated to this feast: "Lretz Ambere" (Clouds are silent) and "Im Hayreneats" (Of my ancestors), at the Armenian language school.

With the oblivion of certain feast days, many songs and dances associated with them have been virtually wiped out. However, although the old wedding ceremony has been replaced by modern wedding rituals, some of the old wedding songs have survived.

Singing and dancing were an essential part of wedding ceremonies, which, to an outsider, resembled a royal ceremony. In fact, the marrying couple were treated as King and Queen and in the songs they were addressed as such. 29 Next in importance was the Kavor (god-father), who carried a sword under his petticoat. The couple were to pass under Kavor's sword both entering and leaving the church. In Canada, Keghetis continued to give importance to Kavor, but abandoned sword-carrying. Kavor was not only the protector of the couple but also of their offspring. A bride addresses her Kavor in a song that asks for news from her emigre husband. 30

"Zharroom" (wedding song) and "Mi lar Mayram" (Do not cry Mayram)31 the two of the nine Keghi songs associated with weddings, were known to most of my informants, yet I was unable to record a variant. Another Keghi

song remembered by some was "Zamboor" (Oregano). While no one sang these songs for me, several sang "Daldala." Example 2 presents one version of this song-dance along with Robert Melkom's transcription of the same melody.32

My informants did not recognize the two song-dances "Art me kari" (A field of barley) and "Ganach khiyar" (Green cucumber); nor did they recognize the two instrumental dances "Godrdook" and Medchin" as presented by Robert Melkom.33 Instead, one immigrant informant sang "Zinvorin Yerke" (The Soldier's Song, Ex. 3), not included among the nine songs. young groom is summoned to war, leaving his bride in the care of his family until his return:

Even though the song evolves within the tessitura of a major third, it has a subdued mood, a wailing character, mainly due to the constant repetition of a note followed by a stepwise descent to the principal note.

Finally, the following two songs recorded during my first expedition were sung once again by the same informant. These have rather a personal style. With descending melodic lines from the highest note to the final of the mode, the first song (Ex. 4) compares with the Armenian ashugh (troubadour) musical style.

The second song (Ex. 5) is a lament, depicting the emotional state of a young girl addressing her mother at the approach of Kurdish hordes.

While the first song is in Dorian minor, the second is Aeolian. Both encompass the complete range of their mode, a rare occurrence in Armenian folk songs where modes do not have octave formation. The 15/8 metre of the first song is marked for convenience; it can fit into a 3/8 lilting metre, which gives it a happy character. The second, a lament, with its 7/4 metric division, is very slow and somber. According to my informant these two are not Keghi songs, since she learned them at the orphanage. While she heard the other Keghi songs here in Canada, she never heard these sung by her compatriots.

In time, most festive days, with their traditions, songs, and dances, were gradually forgotten. Despite resolutions in the by-laws of the Keghi Patriotic Society "to enlighten the Keghetzis with their Armenian culture; to reach out and imprint the selected and virtuous customs and traditions of their native Keghi,"35 these traditions did not go beyond the first Canadian-born generation. One reason given was the "irregular presence of a parish priest." A more subtle reason was their obvious peculiarity in the eyes of the local people, who, as Protestants, could not tolerate any other form of Christian worship.36 Many Armenian Christian festivities, such as Derentes, Hambartzoum, and Vartavar had pagan overtones; their singing and dancing, could not have survived within such a society. Moreover, most informants remembered that city authorities had considered Derentes festivities hazardous and consequently they were abandoned. With time other festivities followed the same pattern. Thus, these festivities, which were not only religious outpourings but direct links with folk culture, singing, and dancing, gradually disappeared. Another reason, the split of the community into two alien factions, became the culminating factor in destroying many beautiful traditions and culture in general.

Education

In the beginning the church could fulfill the spiritual needs of its members. Eventually, social and political events, along with pastors "unacquainted with the life and attitude of young Armenians here,"37set a barrier between the church and the Armenian youth. During the 1930s the use of English in Armenian churches was "felt to be almost essential," and it was believed that in the near future, it would replace the use of the Armenian language and eventually become prevalent in all the churches."38

Contrary to this prediction, English did not totally prevail in all Armenian churches. Most still say the mass as well as the Armenian chants in Krapar (the ancient language). One of the reasons for this was "the small but continual flowof immigrants from the more traditional Armenian societies of the Middle East."39

The influx of new immigrants and the multicultural policyofthe Canadian Government should be credited for the preservation ofculture. As one informant stated, "Ever since multiculturalism became an official policy in Canada this (referring to an in-between period when her children were acculturated) is changing. Now, they are proud of their heritage." If in the 30s Armenians were willing to give up their centuries-old customs and traditions and embrace Amencan values,4°today they make a strong effort to preserve their heritage, at the same time adapting to the North American way of life.41

In the early days of settlement the Armenian language schools were run by parish priests and parents, and children attended these schools "because of parental insistence42 After the 1930s it became difficult to keep children going to Armenian schools. The textbooks in these schools were inadequate for Canadian-born children. Teachers tried to transmit all they could to compensate for the inadequacy of textbooks, introducing poems and songs they had learned in their youth, and patriotic or revolutionary songs of little artistic value. Most were adaptations of popular East European marches and songs. No Keghi folk songs or dances were taught formally, not even those used in their gatherings and picnics.

Along with an overwhelming number of nationalistic and revolutionary songs, a few folk songs collected and published by Komitas (1869-1935) 43 early in this century were still known. Some informants learned these from their parents.

From the Soviet Armenian repertory two socialist songs were taught to the first generation Canadian-born informants.44 Two very popular songs of more recent origin, also from Soviet Armenia, were of the abundant repertory of songs, either folk, popular, or otherwise, which had been exported from Armenia over the last thirty or forty years. 45

Before the 40s the community enjoyed visits of various musicians, including A. Shahmouradian, the outstanding interpreter of Komitas' songs, Z. Panossian, violinist Y. Mouradian, and dhol (large cylindrical drum) and zoorna (double reed instrument) players from Detroit. Some mentioned folk singers and ashugh's (travelling minstrels or troubadours) with ud's (a three-stringed long-necked Arabic lute).46 All this was not transmitted formally even though the Society had committed itself to do so. The first Canadian-born generation could still sing and dance Keghi songs as well as the other songs they were taught, with a little prompting; the second Canadian-born generation was unable to do so.

It is clear that educational methods used for the first generation did not give the same results with the second. The time away from homeland and roots, and the adjustment factor affected all three generations in various ways. When the Keghi Patriotic Society passed a resolution in the 30s "to undertake the education of Keghetzi children in the U.S. only after fulfilling the educational needs of Keghetzi children in the overseas (referring mainly to the Middle Eastern countnies),"47 it seems as though they had abandoned all possibilities of educating children in their culture in North America.

Conclusion

It is difficult to judge whether the leaders considered the folk songs unworthy of teaching or their value was simply overlooked. Certainly the importance given to revolutionary and patriotic songs was a direct result of their social and political experiences. These were the only tools to kindle a feeling of belonging, a tie with a lost homeland and a will to survive and fight for their homeland. Obviously, the folk songs and dances could not have fulfilled this demand. They were considered frivolous, pass-time (kef-time) music. By the time leaders, educators, and community members realized the gold mine they had lost, it was too late. The immigrant generation slowly passed away, taking with them a heritage that was never to be transmitted.

In spite of many shortcomings, my two-day field trip proved that, although scanty, there is still material worthy of effort. More time, and money are needed to rescue what little is left. Devoid of their old country environment and divorced from it as a result of events and experiences, it is necessary for these elders to go far back to their childhood and attempt to recall these beautiful songs.

My search for the nine Keghi songs continues. I am still looking for Keghetzis of all generations who remember these melodies, or others not included in my list. To form a cohesive image of the culture of a district, it is necessary to collect and record every aspect of their cultural life.

University of Montreal

Montreal, Quebec

End Notes

1. Hasmig Injejikian, "The Musical Repertory of Early Armenian Settlers," Polyphony, ed. Isabelle Kapnelian (Toronto: MHSofOnt., 1982-83), 1O7-116.

2. Keghi Yeathoolç (Detroit: Kehgi Patriotic Society, 1937); Nor Keghi: Ethnographic Album (Beirut: Doniguian, 1964 and 1965), n.p.

3. For the etymology of the word see the Yearbook, 12, and Nor-Keghi, 1965, 35-3&

4. For location of Keghi (Kigi) see map of Turkey in Encyclopedia Americana (New York: American Corp., 1967), vol 27, 250-1. For historical events see A. Bardizian, "Why was Keghi left to Turkey by President W.Wilson," Hayirnik Monthly, 23: 4,99-181.

5. Keghi Yeathoolç p.19, and Nor Keghi, 1964,4.

6 Keghi Yearbook, p. 6&

7. Keghi Yeathook, p. 15.

& Keghi Yeathoolç p. 17. The Joint Company of Constantinople (Istanbul) initiated schools in major centres of Historic Armenia.

9. For a diàcussion of social upheavals see Robert Mirak, Tom Between Two Landt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard U P, 1983), 22-31.

10. Keghi Yearbook, 17.

11. . Yearbook 17-19.

12. Sarkis Atamian, The Annenian Community (New York: Philosophical Library, 1955), 354.

13. Atamian, 357.

14. Moush and Van are south-east of Keghi For maps see Note 4.

15. From taped interviews, Oct. 25-27, 1987.

16. Keghi Yeathoolç 91-95.

17. Keghi Yearbook, 95-101.

18. For more information see Atamian, 352-76. These events outwardly social, in essencewere political, intended to break up the unity of Armenian communities. In some cases, the efforts were successful. Armenian communities are segregated in major American cities which sometimes led to assimilation. In larger centres, communities were able to continue activities.

19. A visit to these communities during New Year's season may prove fruitful in learning about their customs and traditions.

20. Edouard Hagopian, Daghs and Meghetis of the Annenian Mass (Cairo: K. Trustees, 1963), 20-21,48-49; Gregorian, arr., . Melodies of the Apostolic Church ofAnnenia (Watertown, Mass.: n.d.), 9-11.

21. By "trained singer"! mean one who has sung in church and been trained to sing these songs as traditionally performed by experienced tbirs (cantors). Melody variants are not necessarily the result of changes from generation to generation, but simply the coexistence of simple and complex variants of the same text, one for common days and the other for festive days. The simplervariants are doser to folk melodies collected during the past hundred years which had more ancient roots, while the complex melodies were likely created later as Armenian music came into closer contact with surrounding cultures.

22. Nor Keghi, 1964,31.

23. The term Khoulounjig requires clarification.

24. Nor Keghi, 1965,52.

25. Egg-dying and cracking at Easter is still common among Armenians.

26. For lyrics of veejag songs see Nor Keghi, 1964,94-95, and 1965, 109.

27. Nor Keghi, 1965, 53.

28. Nor Keghi, 1964,31; Nor Keghi, 1965,52.

29. See Injejikian, 112 for more information on Keghi weddings.

30. Nor Keghi, 1964,85.

31. See Injejikian, 112-15. For variations see Kegzi Yearbook, 128, and Nor Keghi, 1965, 61.

32. Keghi Yearbook, 134.

33. Keghi Yearbook, 136.

34. For the lyrics see Nor Keghi, 1964, 85; compare with the Kharbert (south-west of Keghi) variant collected by M. Taoumajan in Hayreni Yerg ou Ban, H (Yerevan; ASSR Ac. of Sc., 1983), 68-69.

35. Kemi Yeathoolg 93-94.

36. For the attitude of early missionaries see Mirak, 23.

37. Charles Mahakian, History ofAnnenians in California (San Francisco: R and E Research Associates, 1974), 47-4&

38. Mahakian, 53.

39. Avakian, TheAnnenians in America 82d.

40. Mahakian, iii.

41. Avakian, 10.

42. Mahakian, 10.

43. Komitas Vartabed, Armenian musicologist and composer, published three series of folk songs, for voice and piano, and for a cappella choir. See Injejikian, footnote 5.

44. These and similar songs were taught in Middle Eastern Armenian schools, regardless of their political orientation. Music teachers were ignorant of the connotations.

45. Since the SOs, song and dance ensembles, singers, instrumentalists, and various artists from Soviet Armenia have visited the United States and Canada. These perform only in cities where Armenian communities are substantial; Armenians in smaller towns have not been exposed to such cultural contacts. Recordings by these artists are occasionally available in larger centres.

46. Although A. Shahmouradian was well known as a performing artist, the other performers were local talents, mostly Keghetzis.

47. Keghi Yearbook, 95.

Image43.gif

Image44.gif

Image45.gif

Image46.gif

Image47.gif

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Ничем нельзя компенсировать унижение национального достоинства, несмотря на то, что немцы вот уже 60 лет, как на коленях просят прощение.

В последнее время среди евреев стали очень популярны слова Мартина Нимёллера:

"В Германии они сначала пришли за коммунистами, но я не сказал ничего, потому что не был коммунистом.

Потом они пришли за евреями, но я промолчал, так как не был евреем.

Потом они пришли за членами профсоюза, но я не был членом профсоюза и не сказал ничего. Потом пришли за католиками, но я, будучи протестантом, не сказал ничего. А когда они пришли за мной - за меня уже некому было заступиться." (точный текст подтвержден женой М.Нимёллера)

Диапазон задетых струн в еврейской душе простирается от еврейских поселенцев Эрец Исраэль до охочих к поучениям популяризаторов всяческих знаний. Но этого мало: искаженные на еврейский лад слова пастора- антифашиста печатают в виде поэмы и даже на стене Яд ва-Шем!

В статье "Катастрофа," помещенной в одной американской русскоязычной газете написано следующее: "Ну а те, что не были палачами, что стояли в стороне и молча наблюдали за происходящим, понимали ли они, что являются, по меньшей мере, соучастниками? Пастор Немоллер (sic!) понимал: 'Вначале пришли за евреями и я ничего не сказал'...

[В той же статье: "400 тысяч немцев состояли в смешанных браках с евреями." К 31 декабря 1942г. смешанных браков было: в Старом рейхе 16 760, в Австрии 4 803, в протекторате 6 211, всего - 27 774. Report by SS-Statistician Korherr, April 19, 1943 NO-55193, R. Hilberg. The destruction of the European Jews]

Кем же был добрый пастор?

"Мы говорим о 'вечном жиде' и в нашем воображении всплывает образ беспокойного страника, не имеющего дома... Мы видим высокоодаренный народ, вырабатывающий идеи для блага всего мира, но все это отравлено и приносит ему только презрение и ненависть, потому что время от времени мир замечает обман и по своему мстит за это." Это сказал в 1937г. с амвона церкви один из самых прославленных противников нацизма протестанский пастор Нимёллер. Тут же, не называя их, он клеймит нацистов, сравнивая их... с евреями: евреи отвественны не только "за кровь Исуса и кровь его посланников," но и "за кровь всех погубленных праведников, подтвердивших святую волю Б-га против тиранической воли человека."

Выходит, евреи хуже нацистов: они, носители вечного зла, в союзе с дьяволом погубили мириады. Зато после войны пастор сказал слова, которые вместе с привелигированной отсидкой в "der Bunker der Prominente" в Дахау и Заксенхаузене, завоевали ему место в вымышленном пантеоне немецких борцов с нацизмом, и даже звание защитника евреев.

Капитан подводной лодки в годы Первой мировой войны, потом пастор, он

поддерживает Гитлера, но не желая отрекаться от христанской религии, которую нацисты хотели заменить языческим мифами, становится его противником. Из лагеря пастор-патриот пишет Гитлеру, просясь на фронт. Освобожденный американцами, он принимает участие в написании "Stuttgarter Schuldbekkentnis," поднимающей вопрос коллективной вины немцев. Как говорится, - птичку жалко... После этого - становится пацифистом и президентом Всемирного совета церквей, сотрудничавшего с СССР (1961-68). Ратует за примирение с Восточной Европой, едет в Москву в 1952г. и Северный Вьетнам в 1967г. Лауреат Ленинской премии мира 1967г.

Выступая в марте 1946г. в Цюрихе, Нимёллер сказал: "На христианстве лежит большая ответственность перед Б-гом, чем на нацистах, СС и гестапо. Мы должны были распознать Иисуса в страдающем и преследуемом брате, несмотря на то, что он был коммунистом или евреем..."

Лестно читать это "несмотря"!

Благочестивые дела отцов церкви

Единство немецкого народа лучше всего проявлялось в отношении к евреям. Хорошие немцы, приютившие евреев не за деньги и не из желания купить себе жизнь в конце войны, составляют крошечную группу. Немецкий народ вознесся на вершину подлости истинно тевтонского духа, как когда-то предсказывал Ф.Ницше. В убийстве и дележе награбленного учавствовал весь народ, ведомый христианской церковью.

Один из моральных эталонов немецкой нации, епископ Отто Дибелиус, в 1928г. предложил для мирного исчезновения евреев запретить еврейскую иммиграцию, а после объявления бойкота евреям в апреле 1933г., заявил, что всегда "был антисемитом... Нельзя не признать, что во всех разрушающих проявлениях современной цивилизации еврейство играет ведущую роль."

Пастор Г.Грюбер, очень человечный глава бюро помощи крещеным евреям, свидетель на процессе Эйхмана, который был даже арестован в 1940г. за протест против депортации евреев, в 1939г. критиковал датчан за неприятие понятия идеи "безродных евреев," о которой "с радостью говорят в нацистской Германии. С 1919 по 32г.г. евреи управляли финансами, экономикой, политикой, культурой и прессой Германии. Это было действительно еврейское господство."

В одном из главных документов сопротивления нацизму, подготовленного

по инициативе поддержавшего Нюрнбергские законы Дитриха Бонхоффера, (еще одного героя-антифашиста и любимца еврейских невежд), было "Предложение к разрешению еврейской проблемы Германии": "Подтверждаем, что новая Германия будет иметь право на шаги для отражения бедственного влияния этой расы на наш народ." В осуждение геноцида говорится, что в будущем евреев даже могут впустить в Германию: их теперь слишком мало, "чтобы быть опасными."

Члены легендарного сопротивления Гитлеру разделяли его взгляды на евреев: на допросе в гестапо заговорщики 20 июля 1944г. заявили, что в основном согласны с политикой властей. Как сказал брат Клауса фон Штауффенберга, подложившего бомбу Гитлеру: "В сфере внутренней политики мы приветствуем основные принципы нацистов... Концепция расы вполне разумна и внушает надежду."

Даже расстрел 33 771 еврея 29-30 сентября 1941г. в Бабьем Яре, слух о котором широко распространился в Германии, не смягчил церковной ненависти к евреям. В том же месяце лидеры протестантов издали декларацию, объявлявшую "невозможность спасения евреев путем их крещения из-за их особой расовой

конституции" и возлагавшую ответственность за войну на этих

"прирожденных врагов Германии и всего мира...

Поэтому необходимо принять самые суровые меры

против евреев и выбросить их с немецкой земли."

Церковь по своей инициативе поддержала истребление евреев. "Эта прокламация,- санкция на геноцид,- является уникальным документом в истории христианства,"-пишет Д.Й.Голдхаген ("Hitler's willing executioners")

Епископ А.Мараренс, говоря в августе 1945г. о грехах церкви, заметил, что евреи причинили "огромное бедствие" немецкому народу и заслужили наказания, "но более человечного." Насколько же он и все прочие священослужители пропитаны антисемитизмом: даже после войны он видит нужду в "наказании,"только "более человечном"! Епископ Т.Вурм уверял,

что он не скажет "ни одного слова" против права властей бороться с евреями, как с опасным элементом, который разъедает "религиозную, моральную, литературную, экономическую и политическую сферы."

Не забыть и не простить!

Некоторые немецкие теологи хотели избавиться от евреев мирным способом, другие предпочитали тотальное истребление. Но в главном церковь была согласна с нацистами: евреи распяли и не признали Иисуса и потому должны исчезнуть. К тому же, церковь объявила себя Новым Израилем, который теперь стал любимым сыном Б-га, а подлинный Израиль должен был влиться в христианство или исчезнуть с лица земли.

Нимёллер не стоял в стороне, молча наблюдая за происходящим, а ретиво, с христианским рвением последователя Мартина Лютера, требовавшего жечь евреев, подготавливал эту Катастрофу, разжигая своими проповедями всепожирающий огонь в геенне немецкого духа, настоенном на пиве, музыке Вагнера и теории "арийской расы."

Сегодня слова Нимёллера переделывают на свой лад мусульмане и их левые защитники. "Нимёллер является образцом убежденного противника нацистов, который был таким же убежденным антисемитом,"- заключает Д.Й.Голдхаген. Ссылки на Нимёллера противоречат исторической справедливости и еврейскому достоинству. Они оскорбляют память 6 миллионов кадойшим, завещавших нам: не забыть и не простить.

N.S. Schwartz http://www.shalomnewyork.com/authors/schwartz/Niemoller.php

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

По итогам визита представительной делегации Араратской области республики Армения в Екатеринбург началась подготовительная работа дней Армянской культуры на Среднем Урале, — сообщила АПИ ведущий специалист отдела профессионального искусства свердловского министерства культуры Наталья Шибанова.

По ее словам, первым этапом в урало-армянских культурных отношениях станут гастроли екатеринбургского театра Музкомедии в закавказскую республику. По предварительным договоренностям уральские артисты привезут в Армению в октябре-ноябре 2005 года корд######ет, оркестр и сольные выступления. Однако вопрос о сроках прибытия до сих пор не решен. Так как армянская сторона сомневается, что на сегодняшний день, сможет принять на должном уровне 113 человек труппы уральского театра.

В свою очередь, старт в 2006 году Дней Армении на Среднем Урале ознаменуется открытием выставок, кинопоказов, а также приездом в Екатеринбург камерного хора, джаз-банда, театра пантомимы и других творческих коллективов Армении. Основным культурным мероприятием, в котором примут участие закавказские артисты станет международный фестиваль детского музыкального творчества «Земля наш общий дом», который пройдет в Екатеринбурге в марте 2006 года, сообщила Наталья Шибанова

http://www.apiural.ru/soc/?art=12399

Share this post


Link to post
Share on other sites

Create an account or sign in to comment

You need to be a member in order to leave a comment

Create an account

Sign up for a new account in our community. It's easy!


Register a new account

Sign in

Already have an account? Sign in here.


Sign In Now
Sign in to follow this  
Followers 0